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Reviews in Fluorescence 2005 (Reviews in Fluorescence)
Manufacturer: Springer
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ASIN: 0387236287 |
Book Description
This second volume in the serial Reviews in Fluorescence is a collection of up to 10 invited reviews on current trends and emerging hot topics in fluorescence. This new annual series compliments the other fluorescence titles published by Springer, while feeding the requirement from the fluorescence community for annual informative updates and developments.
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Chemistry, Study Guide: An Experimental Science
George M. Bodner , and
Harry L. Pardue
Manufacturer: Wiley
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ASIN: 0471598771 |
Book Description
Using an experimental perspective, this student-friendly textbook teaches chemistry as a process not a product, describing research being done in the 90s that relates to material in the book. Introduces chemistry in terms of major themes designed to help students build connections between the next series of subjects under consideration and previous chapters. Explicit attention is paid to the development of problem solving skills.
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Chemistry: An Experimental Science/Study Guide
Thomas J. Greenbowe , and
James Golen
Manufacturer: John Wiley & Sons
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ASIN: 0471632864 |
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Bodner: Study Guide Comp Set T/A Chemistry: an Experimental Science
George M. Bodner
Manufacturer: John Wiley & Sons Inc
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Binding: Hardcover
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| Alkaloids
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ASIN: 0471515396 |
Book Description
A number of monographs of various aspects of complex analysis in several variables have appeared since the first version of this book was published, but none of them uses the analytic techniques based on the solution of the Neumann Problem as the main tool.
The additions made in this third, revised edition place additional stress on results where these methods are particularly important. Thus, a section has been added presenting Ehrenpreis' ``fundamental principle'' in full. The local arguments in this section are closely related to the proof of the coherence of the sheaf of germs of functions vanishing on an analytic set. Also added is a discussion of the theorem of Siu on the Lelong numbers of plurisubharmonic functions. Since the L
2 techniques are essential in the proof and plurisubharmonic functions play such an important role in this book, it seems natural to discuss their main singularities.
Customer Reviews:
High-level math, as expected from Hormander.......2000-04-14
I started to learn several complex variables a few weeks ago, and I noticed the absolute lack of textbooks on the subject. Probably the book that comes more naturally as an extension of undergraduate complex analysis is Gunning and Rossi, but this title is out-of-print (even finding a used copy is nearly impossible. Believe me, I've tried hard).
So, we have Hormander's book. Lars Hormander is known for writing high-level math texts (both in quality and difficulty), as seen in his famous 4-volume series about PDE's, and this book is no exception. His point of view is more related to his area of research (PDE's, again), and his demands for prerequisites are higher than GR (basics from Lebesgue integration, differential forms, algebra and point-set topology are more than welcome), but this book is a masterpiece of mathematical craftsmanship. The methods here developed are often unique, and the author presents the subject in a fully rigorous way. Along with the fact that it is one of the very few books on several complex variables still in print, this is a very valuable text, set in a high standard of excellence. My only complaint is the obscenely high price for a book so important. Several complex variables are an indispensable background for complex manifolds and algebraic geometry, and several important topics in theoretical physics (string theory, twistor theory, conformal field theory), and it's a shame that books like GR go out-of-print without any others for substituting them. Hormander's book doesn't go much deep in these directions, but you won't find any other book in print on the subject with such a high quality.
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An Introduction to Several Complex Variables and Partial Differential Equations (Hardcover)
H Begehr , and
Abduhamid Dzhuraev
Manufacturer: Chapman & Hall/CRC
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Binding: Hardcover
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ASIN: 0582255007 |
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Marx's history of the Paris commune and the aftermath of the 1871 Franco-Prussian war
Customer Reviews:
IN DEFENSE OF THE PARIS COMMUNE.......2006-04-07
The substance of this review was originally used to comment on Leon Trotsky's pamphlet on the Paris Commune in which he emphasized the lack of revolutionary leadership as one of the decisive factors in the defeat of the Commune. All revolutionary Marxists, following Marx's lead, have studied the lessons of the Commune from various angles and have essentially drawn the same lessons as he did. Therefore the essential points are covered by Trotsky. Additionally, here you get the Marx's masterful contemporary analysis of the events and his adamant defense of the Communards before the international working class. I might add one note which Lenin and others incorporated into their strategies. One of the few, if only substantial revisions that Marx made in his seminal document the Communist Manifesto was to revamp his understanding of the state after the takeover by the working class. In 1848 he assumed that the working class would take over the capitalist state as is. Reflecting on the Paris Commune experience he dramatically changed that factor and held that the working class would have to smash the old state machinery and develop its own institutions. This is in line with previous revolutionary history, especially the experience of the French Revolution. Frederich Engels' introduction, later the subject of some controversy in the international social democracy is an added highlight.
All militants pay homage to the memory of the Commune. For a historical narrative of the events surrounding the rise and fall of the Commune look elsewhere. However, if you want to draw the lessons of the Commune this book offers a superior strategic study. Not surprisingly Trotsky, the organizer of the Russian October Revolution in 1917 and creator of the Red Army, uses the strength and weaknesses of the Commune against the experiences of the October Revolution to educate the militants of his day. Today some of those lessons are still valid for the international labor movement in the seemingly one-sided class struggle being waged against it.
When one studies the history of the Paris Commune of 1871 one learns something new even though from the perspective of revolutionary strategy the Communards made virtually every mistake in the book. Nevertheless, one can still learn lessons and measure them against the experience acquired by later revolutionary struggles and above all by later revolutions, not only the successful Russian Revolution of October 1917 but the failed German, Hungarian, Bulgarian, Chinese and Spanish revolutions in the immediate aftermath of World War I. More contemporaneously we also have the experiences of the partial victories of the later Chinese, Cuban and Vietnamese revolutions. Trotsky's analysis follows this path.
Notwithstanding the contradictory nature of later experiences cited above, and as if to show that history is not always totally a history of horrors against the fate of the masses, Trotsky honored the Paris Commune as a beacon of the coming world socialist revolution. It is just for that reason that Karl Marx fought tooth and nail in the First International to defend it against the rage of capitalist Europe and the faint-hearted elements in the European labor movement. It is truly one of the revolutionary peaks.
The Commune nevertheless also presented in embryo the first post-1848 Revolution instance of what was to be later characterized by Lenin at the beginning of World War I as the crisis of revolutionary leadership of the international labor movement. Moreover, after Lenin's death this question preoccupied Trotsky for much of the later part of his life. Trotsky's placing the problems facing the Commune in this context made me realize that this crisis really has a much longer lineage that I had previously recognized. Unfortunately, that question is still to be resolved.
Many working class tendencies, Anarchist, Anarcho-Syndicalist, Left Social Democratic and Communist justifiably pay homage to the defenders of the Paris Commune and claim its traditions. Why does an organization of short duration and subject to savage reprisals still command our attention? The Commune shows us the heroism of the working masses, their capacity to unite for action, their capacity to sacrifice themselves in the name of a future, more just, organization of society. Every working class tendency can honor those qualities, particularly when far removed from any active need to do more than pay homage to the memory of the fallen Communards.
Nevertheless, as Trotsky notes, to truly honor the Communards it is necessary to understand that at the same time the Commune shows us the many times frustrating incapacity of the masses to act in their objective interests, their indecision in the leadership of the movement, their almost always fatal desire to halt after the first successes. Obviously, only a revolutionary party can provide that kind of leadership in order fight against these negative traits. At that stage in the development of the European working class where political class consciousness was limited to the vanguard, capitalism was still capable of progressive expansion and other urban classes were at least verbally espousing socialist solutions it is improbable that such an organization could have been formed. Nevertheless such an organization was objectively necessary.
It is a truism in politics, including revolutionary politics, that timing is important and many times decisive. As Trotsky noted seizure of power by the Commune came too late. It had all the possibilities of taking the power on September 4, 1870 rather than March 18, 1871 and that would have permitted the proletariat of Paris to place itself at the head of the workers of the whole country in their struggle. At the very least, it would have allowed time for the workers of other cities and the peasantry in the smaller towns and villages to galvanize their forces for action in defense of Paris and to create their own communes. Unfortunately the Parisian proletariat had neither a party, nor leaders forged by previous struggles that could or would reach out to the rest of France.
Moreover, a revolutionary workers' party, while entirely capable of using parliamentary methods is not, and should not, be a machine for parliamentary wrangling. In a revolution such activity at times amounts to parliamentary cretinism. The Central Committee of the National Guard, the embodiment of organizational power, had more than its share of such wrangling and confusionist politics. In contrast, a revolutionary party is the accumulated and organized experience of the proletariat. It is only with the aid of the party, which rests upon the whole history of its past, which foresees theoretically the road forward, all its stages, and knows how to act in the situation, that the proletariat avoids making the same historical mistakes, overcomes its hesitations, and acts decisively to seize power. Needless to say those same qualities are necessary to retain power against the inevitable counter-revolutionary onslaught. The proletariat of Paris did not have such a party. The result was that the revolution broke out in their very midst, too late, and Paris was encircled. Like other revolutionary opportunities six months delay proved fatal. Capitalism cruelly exacted its revenge. That is a great lesson of the Commune, for others read this book.
Customer Reviews:
Stands the Test of Time.......2005-09-29
The most masterful political examination in understanding the working of state power and the state apparatus that reinforces control over the working class and popular movements. Marx's work is visionary as he depicts the foundation of state power in anachronistic but powerful forces in civil society that began under the monarchical system of rule. So much of this work is relevant to twenty-first century politics as the remnants of older regimes stymie the development of a broader class-based movement of working people. The residual system of fudalism sets back class struggles as do the ever-present penchant for state support for the ruling class that is unrelenting under capitalism.
The democratic road to socialism is clearly on the horizon, but even as socialist democracy takes its roots, it is the capitalist system that undermines the programs through utiizing military and political force to defend its class interest. So we are indeed back at square one--can the bourgeois democratic regime be reformed or must it be overthrown. State repression is in itself undemocratic as is the capitalist process of labor relations that create class antagonisms that give rise to moves for popular democracy at work and in the community.
Indeed it is the ruling class that is found to be anti-democratic--but finds ample use of democratic language to reinforce its ideological power. Even before there is a debate between Bernstein and Lenin, we are treated to how state power--inured with the guise of democracy--represses workers and peasants--and is in fact the bastion for plutocratic control over society.
Marx's CIVIL WAR IN FRANCE: THE PARIS COMMUNE stands the test of time and is a crucial source for understanding the staying-power of repressive bourgeois governments in the face of neoliberalism and crackdown against popular forces.
Nowadays..........2003-07-02
it is still a current reality.
It happened in Spain in 1930's and now in the XXI century in this all-over-the-world fight against neoliberalism!
At the end of the day it only remains a fight between us against them, us against the rich ones.
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From Appomattox to Montmartre: Americans and the Paris Commune (Harvard Historical Studies)
Philip M. Katz
Manufacturer: Harvard University Press
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Hardcover
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| 19th Century
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| United States
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General
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ASIN: 0674323483 |
Book Description
The American Civil War and the Paris Commune of 1871, Philip Katz argues, were part of the broader sweep of transatlantic development in the mid-nineteenth century--an age of democratic civil wars. Katz shows how American political culture in the period that followed the Paris Commune was shaped by that event.
The telegraph, the new Atlantic cable, and the news-gathering experience gained in the Civil War transformed the Paris Commune into an American national event. News from Europe arrived in fragments, however, and was rarely cohesive and often contradictory. Americans were forced to assimilate the foreign events into familiar domestic patterns, most notably the Civil War. Two ways of Americanizing the Commune emerged: descriptive (recasting events in American terms in order to better understand them) and predictive (preoccupation with whether Parisian unrest might reproduce itself in the United States).
By 1877, the Commune became a symbol for the domestic labor unrest that culminated in the Great Railroad Strike of that year. As more powerful local models of social unrest emerged, however, the Commune slowly disappeared as an active force in American culture.
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